Monday, May 31, 2010

Sunny Day

There is nothing for me to do on perfect days.
When the surf is up and the wind has
disappeared, the sun is still and There's not a
cloud in the sky. When I have time to
do anything this day renders me, delivers me
inadequate. I have no response, there is nothing
I can do except wait for the day or my
my heart to stop, to look into perfection, to
catch glimpses of eternity - blue sky night -
abstraction cleared, this abyss knows no human
as I am, a day like this would have a ceremony
lost now like sewers to the middle ages, Everything
on this day hurts - breath is drawn short, beauty bright
the eye filled like a glass over flowing, the
shear success of it all everything with out me.
It is before and after - I can only choose to
climb into it's bossom and even this simple
task is beyond me, my schooling in Rhythm
Removing my base for dance - something akin to wanting
to gut ones self and offer thy organs to the drying
of the sun seems close - today a kind of doorway
left open, always open, here all along no special
memory, or application for membership needed. It's simply
arrived and there's no where to hide - though I've tried
all day - meaningless, tasks, House cat saying tiger tiger
tiger - I AM SO STUCK. To live is to compete
and I who can take on the best see folly in this
action so much so life as it is, is all foolish.

GOD-DAM-IT

we don't want the belief in our Artists, chosen by Popes and Traders, in their cathedrals, - Not these tacky tourist traps
all surface, foyer and petri dished but a genuine event of Architecture Serving Art. And the Art is the Artist whose bigger than the space they show in. FUCK WALLS I WANT DIRT

Just so we're clear how this works,

Disney New York

Slave/Master, I have a Masters in Fine Arts, I guess which one I'm suppose to be.

Western societies, where "the superstructures of civil society are like the trench systems of modern warfare", enabling capitalism to survive it's periodic crises.

In this situation, a war of position is required. This involves a struggle for the ideological hegemony of the proletariat. It involves the proletariat and its allied classes to be incorporated within the project for revolutionary change. Until this happens, the transition to socialism will not occur.

Jeremy Stangroom

Monroe, a relation of mine. and a few of his work mates

Although it is Monroe's most famous contribution to history, the speech was written by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, who designed the doctrine in cooperation with Britain.^[24] Monroe and Adams realized that American recognition would not protect the new countries against military intervention to restore Spain's power. In October 1823 Richard Rush, the American minister in London, advised that Foreign Secretary George Canning was proposing that the U.S. and Britain jointly declare their opposition to European intervention. Britain, with its powerful navy, also opposed re-conquest of Latin America and suggested that the United States join in proclaiming a "hands off" policy. Galvanized by the British initiative, Monroe consulted with American leaders and then he and Adams formulated a plan. Ex-Presidents Jefferson and Madison counseled Monroe to accept the offer, but Adams advised, "It would be more candid ... to avow our principles explicitly to Russia and France, than to come in as a cock-boat in the wake of the British man-of-war." Monroe accepted Adams' advice. Not only must Latin America be left alone, he warned, but also Russia must not encroach southward on the Pacific coast. "...the American continents," he stated, "by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European Power."

In 1823 the Monroe Doctrine pertained more to the Russians in North America than to the former Spanish colonies in South America. The result was a system of American isolationism under the sponsorship of the British navy. The Monroe Doctrine held that the United States considered the Western Hemisphere as no longer a place for European colonization; that any future effort to gain further political control in the hemisphere or to violate the independence of existing states would be treated as an act of hostility; and finally that there existed two different and incompatible political systems in the world. Therefore the United States promised to refrain from intervention in European affairs and demanded Europe to abstain from interfering with American matters. In the event there were few serious European attempts at intervention.^[25]

Adams

After the Napoleonic wars, Spain lost control of most of the American colonies. They revolted and declared independence. Rebels used American ports to equip privateers to attack Spanish ships, a practice defended by Henry Clay, who severely criticized both Monroe and Adams for their more cautious wait-and-see policy. The Floridas, still Spanish territory but with no Spanish presence to speak of, became a refuge for runaway slaves and Indian raiders. Spain was not in charge. Monroe sent in General Andrew Jackson who pushed the Seminole Indians south, executed two British merchants who were supplying weapons, deposed one governor and named another, and left an American garrison in occupation. Jackson thought he had Washington's approval, but the orders were vague. President Monroe and all his cabinet, except Adams, believed Jackson had exceeded his instructions. Secretary of War John C. Calhoun proposed to punish Jackson. Adams argued that since Spain had proved incapable of policing her territories, the United States was obliged to act in self-defense. Adams so ably justified Jackson's conduct as to silence protests either from Spain or Britain. Congress debated the question, with Clay as the leading opponent of Jackson, but it would not disapprove of what Jackson had done. Adams negotiated the "Transcontinental Treaty" with Spain in 1819 that turned Florida over to the U.S. and resolved border issues regarding the Louisiana Purchase. The treaty recognized Spanish control of Texas (a claim taken up by Mexico when it declared independence of Spain).

Calhoun

Calhoun was shaped by his own father, Patrick Calhoun, a prosperous backcountry planter who supported the Revolutionary War but opposed ratification of the federal Constitution. The father was a staunch slaveholder who taught his son that one's standing in society depended not merely on one's commitment to the ideal of popular self-government but also on the ownership of a substantial number of slaves. Flourishing in a world in which slaveholding was a badge of civilization, Calhoun saw little reason to question its morality as an adult; he never visited Europe. Calhoun had seen in his own state how the spread of slavery into the back country improved public morals by ridding the countryside of the shiftless poor whites who had once terrorized the law abiding middle class. Calhoun believed that slavery instilled in the white who remained a code of honor that blunted the disruptive potential of private gain and fostered the civic-mindedness that lay near the core of the republican creed. From such a standpoint, the expansion of slavery into the backcountry decreased the likelihood for social conflict and postponed the declension when money would become the only measure of self worth, as had happened in New England. Calhoun was thus firmly convinced that slavery was the key to the success of the American dream.^[25]